男女羞羞视频在线观看,国产精品黄色免费,麻豆91在线视频,美女被羞羞免费软件下载,国产的一级片,亚洲熟色妇,天天操夜夜摸,一区二区三区在线电影

'Occupy' expansion and consequences

Updated: 2013-06-20 06:42

By Kam Man-Fung(HK Edition)

  Print Mail Large Medium  Small

The organizers of "Occupy Central" held their "Deliberation Day" on June 9 with nearly 700 people attending, but some 600 of them were supporters of the illegal campaign and fewer than 100 are local residents randomly selected by the organizers. Academically speaking, the gathering is so far away from the original Deliberation Day concept put forward by American scholars James Fishkin and Bruce Ackerman it is more a strategic meeting of "Occupy" advocates than anything else.

Fake as it is, the so-called Deliberation Day should not be brushed aside as a useless knockoff, because the decisions reached at the meeting are strategic moves to be taken when the illegal campaign gets underway. Particularly noteworthy is the plan to turn it from a "fan club" into a citywide popular movement. Make no mistake about it: such a development is only natural, given the fact that "Occupy" was born a social movement focused on an issue that concerns all Hong Kong society and the change is only quantitative, not qualitative.

"Occupy" relies on two factors to become a citywide popular movement and win much greater public support than it has now. One is the government plan for the 2017 Chief Executive (CE) Election by universal suffrage and the other is what the SAR government and pro-establishment camp have to say about "Occupy". So far the performers in the drama are just a few activists and some prominent opposition political figures.

In Hong Kong, where abiding by the law is a core value, the pro-establishment parties are of course against "Occupy", while most non-partisan citizens are also opposed to it. Even many people who voted for opposition candidates in elections have considerable reservations about seeking universal suffrage by illegal means, especially when the government has yet to present its 2017 CE Election by universal suffrage draft plan for public consultation. Therefore it could be an opportunity for the opposition camp to kick their propaganda drive to popularize "Occupy" into high gear when the government unveils its plan for the 2017 CE Election by universal suffrage.

Meanwhile, comments by the SAR government and pro-establishment parties regarding "Occupy" are testing Hong Kong residents' judgment as well. Given CE Leung Chun-ying's relatively low rate of public approval these days, everything he does and every word he says can easily annoy some people. The pro-establishment parties on the other hand have their own dilemma to deal with. Now that the opposition camp has practically declared war on the SAR government, the pro-establishment side can avoid making mistakes by keeping silent, but can lose its say on the issue and become increasingly passive. Also, the government may lose another battle against the opposition if it sticks to stressing "Occupy" is illegal but cannot present a complete analysis of its theoretical flaws regarding universal suffrage.

The opposition camp understands "Occupy" needs more time to foment in order to expand, which means the longer the government takes to announce its plan for the next stage of constitutional reform the more time it is giving the opposition. If the campaign gets to spread out, the economy may not be hit immediately, but the local society will no doubt be even more divided. Past experiences tell us the supporters of the opposing sides became even more hostile toward each other after each conflict while the neutral citizens felt disappointed by the government for failure to prevent the incident from flaring up. More importantly, the central authorities may be forced to reassess Hong Kong's political situation and how their attitude toward Hong Kong may become less clear in the future. If Beijing tightens its Hong Kong policies in response to "Occupy" it will not be a good thing for either side.

The development of "Occupy" is different from any social movement we have seen before. Compared with those against the construction of the high-speed railway and the Northeastern New Territories development plan it has already whipped up popular angst before a detailed plan is published. This is apparently due to the opposition and its supporters' distrust for the central government, which stems from historical causes as well as differences between the political cultures of Hong Kong and the mainland. The opposition's successful propaganda over the years also deserves some credit for it. Anyway, if "Occupy" is not handled properly the relations between the central government and Hong Kong's opposition camp will enter an "ice age" while the SAR government's administration will suffer greater obstacles.

The author is a committee member of the Hong Kong Association of Young Commentators.

(HK Edition 06/20/2013 page9)

主站蜘蛛池模板: 鹤庆县| 施秉县| 汝城县| 灵丘县| 阳朔县| 胶南市| 冀州市| 文登市| 凤冈县| 布拖县| 忻城县| 苏州市| 棋牌| 边坝县| 伽师县| 韶关市| 台前县| 吕梁市| 正镶白旗| 都匀市| 新和县| 蒲江县| 临武县| 忻城县| 鹰潭市| 莱西市| 阿合奇县| 五指山市| 体育| 宁乡县| 石阡县| 嘉定区| 东莞市| 荆州市| 赞皇县| 柏乡县| 海城市| 隆化县| 长宁县| 许昌市| 玉屏| 西吉县| 石泉县| 江山市| 和田县| 巴林左旗| 渑池县| 大足县| 东丰县| 武宣县| 高雄市| 延边| 凌源市| 乌拉特中旗| 水城县| 四会市| 河间市| 海兴县| 洛宁县| 通州区| 雅江县| 左云县| 筠连县| 疏勒县| 绍兴县| 百色市| 东乡| 新晃| 峨边| 汉源县| 遂川县| 建湖县| 岱山县| 三穗县| 句容市| 西吉县| 宝山区| 阆中市| 卓资县| 泾阳县| 陆河县| 德昌县|