男女羞羞视频在线观看,国产精品黄色免费,麻豆91在线视频,美女被羞羞免费软件下载,国产的一级片,亚洲熟色妇,天天操夜夜摸,一区二区三区在线电影
USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

A not-so-happy birthday for Brexit

By Harvey Morris | China Daily | Updated: 2017-06-24 07:45

As the United Kingdom marked the first anniversary of the electorate's decision to quit the European Union on Friday, voters on both sides of the debate are still none the wiser about the shape of their post-Brexit future.

Talks in Brussels, which opened on Monday, were aimed at producing an amicable divorce settlement between the UK and its 27 EU partners by March 2019. But with an almost total lack of clarity about the likely outcome, domestic opinion remains almost as divided as it was a year ago.

A bloc of ardent "remainers" believe their country has embarked on an exercise in collective suicide that even at this late stage can be reversed, while hardliners in the "leave" camp cannot wait to break the perceived shackles of an overweening "Euro-state". Between them is a bemused majority that just wants to get the whole thing resolved with as little pain as possible.

After a year in which Prime Minister Theresa May was insisting that "Brexit means Brexit", her senior colleagues are now proclaiming that there is no such thing as a "hard" Brexit or a "soft" Brexit. That is basically two ways of saying the same thing and neither formulation is particularly enlightening.

Domestic commentators have been earnestly explaining that the country is embarking on its most challenging negotiations since World War II, knowing full well that their readers' attention is focused more on the fourth terror attack in as many months and on the aftermath of last week's devastating London tower block fire.

Skeptics might suggest the current confusion only illustrates the pitfalls of parliamentary democracy, at least in the predominantly two-party system that has historically prevailed in the UK.

The indecisive and unnecessary June 8 general election, which denied May's Conservatives an overall parliamentary majority, has given politicians of all stripes endless possibilities to interpret the will of the electorate. Did the ruling party's loss of seats reflect a revolt of the young against the old? Was it a backlash against austerity? Above all, was it a rejection of May's pledge to crash out of the EU without a deal rather than accept unsatisfactory terms from the UK's European partners?

The virtue of parliamentary democracy is that it allows voters to change their minds. In 2015, they gave May's predecessor David Cameron a narrow mandate for a platform that included a pledge to hold a referendum on EU membership. Post-Brexit, May gambled that majority on her perception that voters backed her tough stance toward the EU.

It can now be argued a majority of voters have rejected that strategy. What voters cannot change their minds about, apparently, is last year's narrow decision to leave the EU as a result of a "yes-no" referendum, a recent novelty in British constitutional procedure.

The 52-48 percent vote is now treated almost as holy writ by hardline Brexiters, who regard it as the unalienable "will of the British people", which is in itself a somewhat un-British concept. With the Conservatives and opposition Labour Party both now supporting some version of Brexit, the opposing sides appear to have interpreted the June 8 result as meaning that most voters want a divorce that will do least damage to future relations with the EU.

May's shaky position in the new parliament means she might have to proceed with a "soft" Brexit, even as her colleagues are denying any such thing exists. That might include an agreement that would allow Britain to retain some benefits of membership of the EU Single Market and of the Customs Union, which means a tariff-free movement of goods. The opposition Labour Party, however, is ambiguous about where it stands on either issue.

While Britain's international partners, both inside and outside the EU, can only look on in wonderment at the mess the country's politicians have landed it in, British voters are invited to put their blind faith in the promise of those same politicians to deliver them "the best possible deal".

The author is a senior media consultant for China Daily, Europe. harvey.morris@gmail.com

(China Daily 06/24/2017 page5)

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 盐边县| 新宁县| 商河县| 安国市| 黄骅市| 延川县| 隆德县| 天祝| 蒙城县| 兴仁县| 吴桥县| 安塞县| 石渠县| 芜湖市| 红河县| 兴仁县| 安义县| 津南区| 乐东| 青神县| 梧州市| 文化| 德清县| 金沙县| 五大连池市| 上饶市| 玉屏| 温州市| 英吉沙县| 丘北县| 大港区| 左贡县| 白水县| 莒南县| 昆明市| 昌平区| 康乐县| 斗六市| 龙州县| 龙胜| 金昌市| 东乌珠穆沁旗| 衡水市| 巴林左旗| 武川县| 新民市| 桑日县| 绥阳县| 纳雍县| 湘乡市| 左云县| 彩票| 龙口市| 西吉县| 玉环县| 桂阳县| 灌云县| 阜南县| 安达市| 德钦县| 富蕴县| 庄浪县| 当雄县| 五华县| 萝北县| 新绛县| 喜德县| 台东县| 长垣县| 哈尔滨市| 库伦旗| 丰顺县| 永春县| 芷江| 商河县| 合肥市| 藁城市| 田阳县| 栾城县| 蛟河市| 阳泉市| 嘉义市|