男女羞羞视频在线观看,国产精品黄色免费,麻豆91在线视频,美女被羞羞免费软件下载,国产的一级片,亚洲熟色妇,天天操夜夜摸,一区二区三区在线电影
Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

Moon promises change in ROK diplomacy

By Yue Li | China Daily | Updated: 2017-05-19 07:18
Share
Share - WeChat

Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party speaks during a celebration event in Seoul, South Korea, on May 9, 2017. [Photo/Xinhua]

Newly elected Republic of Korea President Moon Jae-in faces tough choices on regional security, and political and economic reform. In a phone conversation with Moon one day after his victory, President Xi Jinping emphasized the need for both countries to respect each other's major concerns and interests, as well as maintain a healthy, stable bilateral relationship.

On the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system in the ROK, which has hurt bilateral ties, Moon said his government will "proactively" communicate with China while striving to resolve the issue. In fact, the Moon administration has already called for a parliamentary hearing on the deployment of THAAD on ROK soil.

Moon also sent a delegation to the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, which met with Xi on the sidelines of the forum.

Expectations that the Moon administration will adhere to a more balanced diplomacy are high, even though the security dilemma the ROK faces leaves it little choice but to stick to the ROK-US military alliance, which was formed because the United States essentially took over the responsibility of the ROK's national security after the Korean War (1950-53).

Owing to the lack of an independent and comprehensive defense strategy, Seoul may have to stay under Washington's security umbrella, even if it means becoming a part of the US' "rebalancing to Asia" strategy. It also explains why on many occasions Seoul has spoken of Beijing's intervention and Pyongyang's "self-restraint" in the hope that that would help minimize, if not end, the "nuclear threat" from the DPRK.

On the domestic front, the need to promote reforms and restore public trust in political institutions after the impeachment and ouster of former president Park Geun-hye, too, should be taken seriously by Moon. Complaints have often been heard in the ROK about the long absence of efficient communication between the leadership and citizens.

On his campaign trail, Moon promised a less-centralized governing style. His decision to move out of the official presidential residence, or the Blue House, in downtown Seoul where every modern-day ROK president has lived and worked, should be seen as a good sign by those waiting for a change.

To regain public trust he needs to heed the lessons from the scandals the Park administration was involved in, from her seven-hour silence after the sinking of the passenger ferry Sewol in 2014 to the 2015 agreement between the ROK and Japan on settling their differences over Korean "comfort women" (women and girls forced in sexual slavery by the Japanese army before and during World War II).

Reviving an economy mired in rising household debt, high youth unemployment and waning conglomerate-led growth is another daunting task for Moon. Last year saw the dramatic collapse of the ROK's largest shipping company, Hanjin Shipping Co, and Samsung Electronics Co's decision to stop the production, sales and replacement of its "exploding" fire-prone Galaxy Note 7 smartphones. This year, there is a risk that employees of Hyundai Motor Co, the country's largest automaker, could go on a strike. And these developments have prompted the International Monetary Fund to forecast the ROK's growth rate at just 2.7 percent, barely half of the average rate for the Asia-Pacific region.

The veteran politician and former lawyer may have to resort to political reshuffling to make sure his Democratic Party has an overwhelming majority in the national assembly. And the fact that he vowed to reorganize the presidential office after appointing senior secretaries to his office suggests he is moving in that direction.

On the DPRK nuclear issue and the installation of THAAD, the Moon administration would be wise to seek talks with all parties concerned to properly resolve the issues. In this regard, Moon should be lauded for his consideration to send special envoys to Beijing. All these indicate changes can be expected, especially because Moon seems inclined to play a more active diplomatic role in engaging with Pyongyang.

The author is a senior researcher at the Pangoal Institution.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 揭西县| 陵水| 大荔县| 清新县| 通道| 绥江县| 门头沟区| 新安县| 当雄县| 尉犁县| 乌拉特后旗| 东兴市| 西城区| 松原市| 息烽县| 桂阳县| 富锦市| 嘉黎县| 望江县| 枣阳市| 英超| 大港区| 宜城市| 苏州市| 阳朔县| 北碚区| 海淀区| 嘉义县| 澎湖县| 韶关市| 宁国市| 长岭县| 江陵县| 任丘市| 炉霍县| 阿合奇县| 金沙县| 綦江县| 长岭县| 沭阳县| 当涂县| 偏关县| 龙井市| 庆安县| 黎川县| 虹口区| 大同市| 明光市| 凤翔县| 勃利县| 梅州市| 定南县| 景谷| 龙胜| 南昌县| 桂阳县| 连云港市| 义乌市| 赤壁市| 山东省| 甘孜县| 获嘉县| 安溪县| 英德市| 开原市| 千阳县| 遂川县| 洛川县| 永胜县| 太谷县| 墨竹工卡县| 宜宾县| 称多县| 大石桥市| 安图县| 方城县| 雷波县| 金阳县| 隆子县| 新密市| 景德镇市| 东乡族自治县|