男女羞羞视频在线观看,国产精品黄色免费,麻豆91在线视频,美女被羞羞免费软件下载,国产的一级片,亚洲熟色妇,天天操夜夜摸,一区二区三区在线电影
Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

'De-risking' only a lose-lose option for EU

By Wang Yiwei | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2023-12-06 15:53
Share
Share - WeChat
[Photo/China Daily]

The year of 2023 marks the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and the European Union, and this year the 24th China-EU Summit on Dec 7 will return to offline sessions for the first time since 2019.

In June 2023, the EU unveiled its Joint Communication on a European Economic Security Strategy, emphasizing a three-pronged approach in its relations with China. It formally introduced “de-risking” as a strategic approach toward China, aiming to enhance Europe’s independence in critical technological areas and raw materials supply, as well as the autonomy of production chains, considering them as serious threats to European economic security. This move seeks to diminish the capabilities of “strategic competitors” like China while maintaining cooperation in the majority of goods and services trade between China and Europe. It is essential to note that this approach does not imply complete “decoupling”.

Currently, Sino-European relations confront challenges amid geopolitical competition. The European strategy toward China, particularly its emphasis on risk reduction, may intensify tensions between China and Europe, posing challenges to practical cooperation between the two sides.

In essence, “de-risking” reflects a form of “trade protectionism” that contradicts the principles of market economy and free trade rules. Fears among EU member states stemming from China’s substantial trade surplus has made them attribute it to what they perceive as China’s strong government intervention. Consequently, the EU has gradually implemented restrictive measures on China’s high-tech industries, such as limitations on importing chip materials and launching anti-subsidy investigations into low-cost Chinese electric vehicles. These actions aim to curb the development of Chinese enterprises in Europe.

From a formal perspective, the EU’s “de-risking” policy largely appears to blindly follow the diplomatic route of the United States, which doesn’t align with European interests. Despite the US and Europe’ different positions on China, there is a gradual convergence in rhetoric, and both sides are leveraging their dominant international mechanisms globally to collaboratively advance the “de-risking” process against China. This implies that Europe is compelled to sacrifice its own interests in China to serve the strategic objectives of the US. Undoubtedly, this compromises the strategic autonomy emphasized by the EU, proving detrimental to the development of friendly EU-China relations and the realization of each country’s individual interests in the international community.

From the perspective of outcomes, the de-risking policy not only fails to alleviate the security concerns that the EU harbors but also inflicts a significant blow to the collaborative relationship between China and Europe, introducing substantial risks to the deeply intertwined global economy. The core of the EU’s de-risking lies in the economic domain. The strategy underscores the need for the EU to enhance its competitiveness, strengthen the unity of the European market, and intensify efforts in human capital and skill development. The EU seeks to maintain its leading position in the fields of health, digital, and clean technologies, aiming to mitigate risks associated with dependence on a single supply source.

In the present context, where China plays a prominent role in global economic growth, reducing economic ties with China would exacerbate the challenges of addressing the sluggish recovery of the world economy. This approach represents a disruption to international cooperation, undermining the previously established cooperative ecosystem and preventing the international community from rallying collective efforts to tackle global risks. The EU should adapt to the current situation and, in various domains, propel the deepening of cooperation with China.

First, cooperation between China and the EU is a pragmatic move and a significant boon for EU member states. There is no consensus among EU member states on the de-risking policy. Instead, internal disagreements exist over its perceived radical and hasty nature. Some argue for a more open attitude toward engaging and cooperating with China. The burgeoning collaboration in the Chinese-German new energy vehicle industry and comprehensive cooperation in the aviation manufacturing and materials sector between China and France exemplify the positive dynamics. The positive interactions between the two major economies in the EU can play a leading role in fostering China-EU cooperation. Additionally, the EU should break free from political and ideological constraints, redefining China’s international role and the China-EU partnership. It should fully recognize China’s commitment to initiatives such as the Belt and Road, the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, and global development proposals that reflect a responsible approach by a major nation willing to share development benefits with the world.

Capitalizing on the precious opportunity presented by the upcoming leadership summit, and leveraging the growing consensus on deepening economic and trade cooperation between China and Germany, as well as the supportive forces within the European Parliament, efforts should be made to restart the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment. This could open a new chapter in the all-encompassing development of China-EU relations.

Second, there remains extensive room for cooperation between China and the EU in the fields of economy and trade, as well as collaborative efforts in climate governance related to clean energy, green manufacturing and sustainable transportation. Since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, China and the EU have jointly shouldered international responsibilities in geopolitical and international crisis management.

Third, amid the intensifying competition among major powers, China and the EU, as significant proponents of globalization, need to unite and support each other to collectively promote global peace and prosperity. The tactical easing of tensions between China and the US has removed some obstacles for the China-EU leaders’ summit. However, it’s vital for the EU to strengthen strategic autonomy.

Looking ahead at the international landscape, the enduring uncertainty and risks in the relationship between China and the US underscore the crucial role of China-EU relations in advancing global peace and prosperity. In the short term, China-EU cooperation is beneficial for fostering a positive collaborative environment; in the long term, it will contribute to the capacity building and strategic autonomy of the EU.

China-EU cooperation is an inevitable choice for China and Europe in promoting national economic development and safeguarding core national interests in the contemporary era. It is also a necessary means to drive global stability and prosperity. The EU should seize the opportunity presented by the China-EU leaders’ summit, discard the erroneous perception of de-risking, and continually deepen the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and the EU. Together, they can promote the stability and long-term development of bilateral relations.

The author is director of the Institute of International Affairs at Renmin University of China.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn or comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 固安县| 郎溪县| 广河县| 怀来县| 东莞市| 长武县| 岳普湖县| 林西县| 根河市| 都江堰市| 新余市| 荃湾区| 定襄县| 耒阳市| 漾濞| 淳化县| 布拖县| 台南县| 玛沁县| 高青县| 迁安市| 峨山| 南通市| 诸暨市| 郑州市| 垣曲县| 株洲市| 东乡县| 永善县| 依安县| 闸北区| 昌图县| 开封市| 吴堡县| 施秉县| 新平| 松原市| 牙克石市| 拜城县| 鲜城| 长武县| 胶州市| 二连浩特市| 栾川县| 西平县| 孟津县| 阿坝县| 贵德县| 化隆| 苍梧县| 深水埗区| 普兰店市| 正宁县| 兴化市| 惠来县| 织金县| 阜康市| 庄浪县| 辽宁省| 成安县| 承德市| 荣昌县| 闸北区| 慈利县| 陇西县| 五莲县| 靖安县| 比如县| 古蔺县| 北宁市| 甘洛县| 江油市| 屏山县| 姚安县| 正安县| 苍山县| 锡林浩特市| 自贡市| 伽师县| 平顶山市| 高密市| 晋宁县|